USA encorajam militarização aguda dos regimes do Nepal e do Bangladesh

União Europeia e EUA de mãos dadas para tentar salvaguardar tópicos de afrontamento alternativos contra a crescente influência de Pequim

A política da manipulação e da intriga ainda é praticada pelo belicoso GW Bush. Um exemplo flagrante: o tipo de intromissão abusiva e despudorada que exerce, de mãos dadas com países da U. Europeia, no Nepal e no Bangladesh, países satélites de dois grandes colossos, a Índia e a China, que tanta dor de cabeça causam aos estrategos de Washington. Será que a " contenção " e a vigilância mais ou menos disfarçada sobre a China, os conduz a cometerem ingerências imperdoáveis no desenrolar da vida política interna daqueles dois estados? A " cruzada " em prol das democracias "emergentes" provoca mais estragos e embaraços do que pensa o anónimo observador incauto. O jornalista indiano J. Sri Raman mostra tudo clicar aqui no Truthout.org. Ele diz, fundamentalmente, que os EUA boicotam por variados meios a realização de eleições requeridas pelos principais protagonistas políticos.

" No caso do Nepal, os negociadores enviados de Bush nem se deram ao luxo de esconder esse propósito de boicote. Em relação ao Bangladesh, Washington e os seus aliados ocidentais declaram tão só mais uma errante guerra na senda para a democracia ", frisa Raman, que acrescenta: " Em relação ao Nepal, esses enviados evitaram entrar em colisão com a diplomacia activa do antigo embaixador americano, a partir do momento em que o povo derrotou a monarquia detestada e abriu a porta a democracia ". O diplomata americano, que já cedeu o lugar, " tentou por todos os modos evitar o regresso dos maoistas ao jogo político, e quebrar o acordo histórico que os liga ao partido Aliança (SPA), que eliminou o despótico rei Gyanendrás em Abril do ano passado. Ele desempenhou um grande papel mantendo o " dia do terror" de inspiração yankee contra os maoistas e agitou a ausência de ajuda para as regiões por eles controladas ".

Apesar de todas estas diligências, o Nepal vai assistir amanhã a mais uma etapa da sua transição democrática, com a entrada dos maoistas no governo interino do PM Girija Koirala. " A subsecretária de Estado americana da Cooperação, Henrietta H. Fore, numa visita a Katmandu na passada semana, assegurou logo que o processo tinha ficado " adiado ". Proclamando a " irritação" de Washington, Fore verberou a " reiterada oposição dos maoistas em renunciarem à violência " e, também a agitação étnica, manifestando-se pela construção da unidade do Nepal sem os maoistas. Forçou o PM , velho e fraco, a cumprir tais propostas anti-maoistas. Mal ela vira costas, Koirala assegura aos revolucionários pró-chineses que iriam ocupar alguns lugares no governo...

Uma democracia sustentada e amparada pelos militares parece ser o que teme o líder dos maoistas nepaleses, Prachanda. Ele diz que quer o governo pronto até final deste mês. E na passada denunciou uma conspiração para matar os americanos residentes no país, prejudicando os maoistas e proibindo-os de se exprimirem politicamente. Será o barulho das botas... militares? O mesmo se passa no Bangladesh em que um moribundo governo provisório cedeu à descarada manipulação militar. " O povo só especula sobre a desfaçatez de quem serve às ordens dos militares ", revela Raman. A prisão do filho do chefe do maior partido da Oposição e o adiamento das eleições parecem favorecer a projecção de um tecnocrata apoiado e encorajado pelos EUA, o eminente economista Mohammad Yunus, que precisa dos militares para " endireitar " o estado e a economia...

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Bush's Democracy Project in Bangladesh and Nepal
By J. Sri Raman
t r u t h o u t Guest Contributor
Tuesday 13 March 2007
Who says that President George Bush and his men and women promote democracy only by destructive wars? They do so also through creative, unconventional diplomacy. Look at their latest achievements in Bangladesh and Nepal.
In both these countries bordering India, whose ruling establishment has enlisted in the Bush crusade to save democracy (especially "emerging" democracies), the cause has hit a major roadblock. And it is representatives of Washington who have placed a mega-sized boulder on the path to much-awaited elections in both cases.
In the case of Nepal, Bush's mouthpieces have not really bothered to conceal this. In the case of Bangladesh, Washington and its Western allies have only declared a more devious war on democracy.
In talking of Nepal, these columns have repeatedly noted striking instances of the distinguished style of US Ambassador James Francis Moriarty's diplomacy, through the entire period since the people of the Himalayan state overthrew a hated monarchy and opened the door to democracy. A higher official of the US administration has now outdone him.
Moriarty has tried many tricks barred by the book of diplomacy in a bid to prevent the return of Maoists to the political mainstream, and to break the historic accord between them and the Seven-Party Alliance (SPA) that ended King Gyanendra's despotic rule last April. Moriarty has played a role in keeping Washington's "terror tag" on the Maoists. While insisting on their electoral insignificance, he has tried to stall their inclusion in the interim government by warning of US assistance only to departments under non-Maoist ministers.
He has also made a very un-diplomat-like visit to a center of ethnic unrest and voiced support for the demands of the Madhesi minority, which the Maoists and the SPA do not oppose anyway.
Notwithstanding Moriarty, Nepal was to move ahead to the next stage of its democratic transition on March 14th, when the Maoists were to join the interim government under Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala. US Under Secretary of State for Management Henrietta H. Fore, on a visit to Kathmandu last week, ensured that progress in the process was put off.
On March 10th, she proclaimed Washington's displeasure with "two trends that, if unresolved, threaten Nepal's democratic progress." The first - surprise, surprise - was "the continuing failure of the Maoists to renounce violence". The second, equally predictably, was ethnic unrest. This, she said showed the need for "inclusiveness" in Nepal, though the Maoists were to be excluded.
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The process gathered momentum with the arrest of Begum Zia's unpopular son Tarique Rahman and raids on Hasina's residence on March 8th. The very next day, all political activity (including indoor meetings) was banned.
The second development is the entry into politics of eminent economist Mohammad Yunus. He has turned out to be a typical candidate of the same political camp and constituency that the behind-the-scene military rulers represent and back. Even more significant is the extra-Bangladesh dimension of his electoral appeal and that of his hastily assembled party called Nagorik Shakti (Citizen Power).
Moriarty and Fore have played politics in Nepal, but their counterparts in Bangladesh would seem to have gone a step further by fielding their own candidate and a party in the forthcoming election, if and when it is held.
The US ambassador in Bangladesh, Patricia Butien, has been more circumspect than Moriarty. But a former US ambassador in Bangladesh (and Pakistan ) and currently an academic at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, DC, William B. Milam, has nearly given the game away.
Milam's proximity to the power centre in Washington is seen in the fact that he was to be a US observer of the scrapped election of January 22nd. On January 9th, almost two weeks before that, he wrote in a newspaper column, "My trip to Bangladesh ... is off." He said "the US and EU have ruled out sending teams (of observers)" because, among other reasons, it "would convey an unofficial sanction to an election that will be clearly wanting in legitimacy."