As relações USA/ Rússia atravessam o pior momento dos últimos 20 anos, segundo um artigo do especialista, Stephen F. Cohen, hoje publicado na edição mundial do NY Times. A míriade de tensões entre os dois países quase que atinge as dantescas proporções das do período da Guerra Fria. A classe política norte-americana tem tratado com ligeireza e sobranceria um país- chave da geoestratégia política e industrial mundial, sublinha o expert , que recomenda- para evitar o pior- que se trate a " Rússia como uma grande potência" e se" evite o alargamento da NATO à Ucrânia, de forma a evitar o pior ".
Stephen F. Cohen sinaliza que as sucessivas administrações norte-americanas, inclusive a de Bill Clinton, deitaram por terra o consenso pacífico e cooperative estipulado no final da Guerra Fria por Gorbachev e Reagan. " A política dura e agressiva de Poutin foi, em larga medida ", uma reacção ao triunfalismo sem limites assumido pelos EUA ". Actualmente existe um contencioso de conflitos graves em irrupção permanente- quase como os da Guerra Fria –que se estende do Kosovo, passa pelo Irão, perturba as zonas de influências em jogo na Ucrânia e na Georgia, envolve a Venezuela, toca na expansão da NATO , abrange os misséis de defesa, o acesso ao petróleo e a política interna do Kremlin, frisa o articulista.
Such U.S. behavior was bound to produce a Russian backlash. It came under Putin, but it would have been the reaction of any strong Kremlin leader, regardless of world oil prices.
And it can no longer be otherwise. Those U.S. policies, now widely viewed in Moscow as an "encirclement" designed to keep Russia weak and control its resources, have helped revive an assertive Russian nationalism, destroy the once strong pro-American lobby and inspire widespread charges that concessions to Washington are "appeasement," even "capitulationism." The Kremlin may have overreacted, but the cause and effect threatening a new cold war are clear.
Because the first steps in this direction were taken in Washington, so must be the initiatives to reverse it.
Three are essential and urgent: a diplomacy that treats Russia as a sovereign great power with commensurate national interests; an end to NATO expansion before it reaches Ukraine, risking something worse than cold war, and a full resumption of negotiations to sharply reduce and fully secure all nuclear stockpiles and to prevent the impending arms race, which requires ending or agreeing on missile defense in Europe.
Recent discussions with members of Moscow's policy elite suggest there may still be time.
American presidential campaigns are supposed to discuss such vital issues, but Senators John McCain, Hillary Clinton and Barrack Obama have not done so. Instead, each has pledged to be less "soft" on the Kremlin, to continue the encirclement of Russia and the hectoring "democracy promotion" policy, both of which have only undermined U.S. security and Russian democracy since the 1990s.
To be fair, no influential actors in American politics, including the media, have asked more of the candidates. They should do so now before another chance is lost - in Washington and in Moscow.
Russia: The missing debate By Stephen F. Cohen International Herald TribuneFriday, May 2, 2008
http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/05/02/opinion/edscohen.php
FAR.
